Emperor Barbarossa vs. the Lombard League

Written by Don Giovanni Bosco

(Extracted from “A Compendium of Italian History From the Fall of the Roman Empire” by Don Giovanni Bosco.)

Thirty years had passed without the German emperors attempting to interfere in the affairs of Italy, when the famous Frederick, surnamed Barbarossa, ascended the imperial throne. He was young, handsome, brave, and prudent, and had not yet abandoned himself to those impulses of pride which afterwards made him abhorred throughout the whole of Italy. Frederick considered that his predecessors had acted a cowardly part in yielding to the pretensions of Gregory VII., and in allowing the reins of the government in Italy to slip from their hands; and now determining, at whatever cost, to regain his right, he made a descent upon Lombardy (in the year 1154) with a numerous army. But becoming aware that the Italians were prepared to offer resistance, he thought it better only at first to seize upon the small cities which were incapable of making any vigorous defence, while those amongst them which had the courage to shut their gates in the face of his army were sacked and burned. This fate fell to the lot of Chieri, Asti, Tortona, and Spoleto.

The Roman pontiff, hearing of the devastation which Frederick was making in Italy, attempted to calm his fury by a friendly treaty, and even offered to place the imperial crown on his head. This condescension of the Pope appeased Frederick for a time, so that he at once left Rome unmolested, and returned to Germany.

The Milanese, on the contrary, had known how to keep their rights intact, for all the young men had flown to arms; and when the war preparations had emptied the public purse, they supplied whatever was necessary from their own resources. In this way the Milanese not only provided for their own safety, but were also in a condition to give aid to the neighbouring places.

The resistance which several of the Italian cities made to the emperor might have induced him not to return, but he was too obstinate in his desire not to subjugate those cities at whatever cost. Three years after, accordingly, he again made a descent upon Lombardy with an immense army, threatened Milan, and obliged the citizens to agree to a treaty in his favour. But soon after he disregarded the terms of the treaty so made, and claimed for himself the power of appointing the governor. This violation of so recent a convention greatly irritated the Milanese, and in their fury they drove away the governor he had appointed, and flew to arms, prepared to face the anger of the emperor or to die for the salvation of their country.

On hearing this, Barbarossa marched against the city with all his forces, but the brave citizens again barred his entrance. The besiegers, repelled from the town, now despoiled the crops in the country, barked the trees, and committed all kinds of depredations. This destructive war inspired the neighbouring inhabitants with great dread; but nevertheless the city of Crema, being in alliance with the Milanese, would not abandon their brethren in the evil day.

Frederick insisted on the inhabitants separating themselves from the Milanese, and putting themselves under his authority ; but they courageously replied that they would rather be buried under the ruins of their houses than fail in their plighted faith to these their brethren. This courageous reply irritated the emperor all the more, and after an heroic defence, Crema was obliged to surrender, not indeed conquered, but betrayed by one of its own citizens. The inhabitants, worn out with famine, got permission to retire to Milan, where they were received with due honour by their allies, while Crema itself was given over by Frederick to be sacked and burned. This took place in the year 1160.

Having reduced the city of Crema to a heap of ruins, the soldiers of Barbarossa invested Milan anew, desiring to reduce it by famine. To that end, besides destroying the produce of the fields, the barbarians cut off the hands of all the countrymen who attempted to introduce grain or fruit into the city. Not less was the horror which prevailed inside the city, where man and beast lay alike perishing in the streets and squares.

The people, thus reduced to despair, refused to obey the magistrates, and demanded that the city should be given up; the consuls vainly urged the citizens to the defence, by describing the revenge which an implacable enemy would now take upon them. Every counsel was vain; the masses, seeing resistance to be impossible, broke out into mutiny, and threatened the lives of the consuls if they persisted any longer in the defence. It was then resolved to make submission to Frederick.

On the 7th of March 1162, the Milanese went out to Lodi to swear fealty to the emperor. The people went in companies, corresponding with the different quarters of the town, the one following the other in silence, and in the midst of the whole procession they conducted the car. This car was a vehicle something like the ark of the Hebrews. A bishop of Milan named Aribert invented it in 1039 to be a centre of union, and to hold together the militia in time of war. The car was heavy, drawn by oxen covered with trappings, on which were worked the arms of the city. It was surmounted by a mast-yard, on the top of which was a gilt apple with two standards, so that it could be seen by the whole army; and in the middle there was erected a crucifix. On the top of the car was seated a trumpeter, who gave the signal for attack or retreat. A company of the bravest soldiers stood round the car to keep guard, and every soldier felt the safety of the car to be a matter of honour. Whether on the move or in the field of battle, the car stood in the midst of the combatants, and the honour of the car was safe as long as it did not fall into the hands of the enemy.

The sacred car, then, having arrived before Frederick, the trumpets sounded for the last time, the flag was lowered before the imperial throne, and the car together with ninety-four standards was given over to the conqueror; whilst all the multitude prostrated themselves, and asked for pardon.

Count Biandrante, one of the Italian lords of Frederick's court, moved with love for his fellow-countrymen, with the hope of calming the indignation of the monarch, took the crucifix in his hand, went forward, and kneeling on the steps of the throne, prayed the emperor in God's name to have pity on the city and the citizens. All were moved to tears; Frederick answered nothing, but without giving any sign of emotion, received the oath of fidelity, chose out four hundred hostages, and then commanded the people to return and throw down the walls and fortifications.

The Milanese, uncertain as to their future destiny, returned trembling to their abodes. Nine days had already passed and they saw nothing of Barbarossa, so that they began to indulge some hope that the emperor had pardoned them, when an order came to the consuls to make all the inhabitants go forth without the walls. It is impossible to express with what tears and cries this fatal sentence was received; but to the conquered they were useless!

They were all thus forced to leave their native place, and you might have seen men, women, and children wandering about like beasts in the fields for many days. Then, as every one was constrained to study his own welfare, and mitigate his own sufferings, they found a retreat, some in Pavia, some in Bergamo, some in Tortona. The city of Milan accordingly became a solitude and a mere heap of ruins.

In the meantime the emperor arrived at Milan with his army, and condemned the city to total destruction, and the very name to be blotted out. Six whole days the work of destruction continued. Milan became a heap of stones. It is even said that the plough was passed over it, and salt sprinkled around in sign of sterility and malediction. The soldiers taken by Frederick from the allied Italian cities aided to complete this cruel vengeance, and took occasion to give vent in this way to their hatred against a city which years before had ruined Lodi and Como.

I may here remark that these Italians were both wicked and foolish to lend themselves to the work of destruction, through hatred of their brethren. Vengeance is always blameable, but this was a terrible example to men not to abuse their power and authority to oppress the weak; because there is a Divine Providence which disposes the lot of mankind, and mostly causes the oppressor to pay dearly in the end for the iniquity perpetrated against the poor and oppressed.

Last Actions of Frederick Barbarossa — League of Verona — League of Lombardy

 

After the defeat of Milan, Italy suffered more and more from the oppression of Frederick and the imposts of his ministers. But this state of violence could not last. The cities of Verona, Vicenza, Padua, and Trevigi began to unite themselves in a league to oppose the progress of Frederick. In order to stamp out this first symptom of rebellion, he quitted Pavia with a large number of soldiers; but no sooner did he approach Verona than he saw a confederate army, more numerous than his own, drawn up against him. Fearing therefore to give battle, he withdrew his troops, and after a while left for Germany. The example of the Veronese infused courage into all the other cities. Cremona, Bergamo, Mantua, Brescia, and Ferrara came into the league, swearing to defend themselves against the imperial tyranny, and determining to rebuild Milan and bring back the dispersed citizens to their former home. In this way the city again arose out of its ruins, and that in a comparatively short period.

It was during the absence of the emperor that an army, led by his lieutenant, besieged Ancona, then placed under the protection of the Eastern Empire. But Ancona having received reinforcements, the besiegers, after a long effort, were obliged to raise the siege, just when the valorous inhabitants were being reduced to the very extremity of famine. While all these cities were associating themselves with the Lombard league, Pavia kept faith with the emperor. In order to spite this city, the confederates determined to build another within a short distance and surround it with every kind of military defence. For this purpose they chose a beautiful site surrounded by three rivers, and obliging the neighbouring population to remove there, they erected in 1168 a city termed Alessandria, so named from Pope Alexander III., the then head of the league. As the hurry was great, and the materials scanty, the roofs of the houses were covered with straw, from which circumstance the city was called Alessandria della Paglia. It was at the same time fortified with excellent bastions and deep trenches, and so great was the concourse of people who came to live there, that within a short time they were able to furnish 15,000 armed men.

Frederick, advised of the formation of the Lombard league and the preparations for war which were being made, collected a very numerous army and marched once more into Italy. All the passes were valiantly contested by the Italians, and none remained open except that of Susa. Accordingly, he passed over Mont Cenis, burned the city of Susa, conquered Asti, which was already rising from its ruins, and marched upon Alessandria. The new city defended itself four months without receiving any succour from the other allies. But at last, the league sent a powerful subsidy to the besieged, and Frederick was obliged to raise the siege. For five long years he carried on the war, and endeavoured to bring the Italians into subjection; but they were too many and too obstinate to be easily subdued. Often it came to pass that on one day he conquered and on the next was himself discomfited. Finally, a new army of Germans arrived to the emperor's assistance. Then the Milanese, aided by a number of select troops, went out to meet him at Legnano, on the road which leads from Milan to Lake Como. The brave Italians, seeing the enemy advance, knelt down to pray for victory, and rose up determined to conquer or to die. After an obstinate combat, victory declared itself for the allies; Frederick himself fell from his carriage fighting, and with difficulty escaped to Pavia, where he was believed to have been killed.

These strokes of adverse fortune proved to Frederick that all his efforts would be useless, so that he determined at all costs to reconcile himself with the Roman pontiff, and to come to treaty with the Lombard league. For this purpose he sent deputies to the Pope to beg for peace and absolution, promising that he would disown the Antipope whom he had so foolishly set up.

The Pope being assured of the sincerity of the emperor, went voluntarily to Benevento, where the king of Sicily sent a good detachment of soldiers to defend him, and in case of need to give him an honourable escort to Venice, where the conference between the emperor and the allies was to take place. The Pope refused to make any provisions without the other cities of the league participating in them, and for this purpose he proceeded to Ferrara. There he called together the patriarch of Venice, the archbishops of Ravenna and Milan, with many other bishops, marquises, counts, and all those who held any civil or ecclesiastical authority. The Pope having thus brought all these together into the church of St. George, together with an immense crowd of people, pronounced the following discourse :—My dear sons, you are well aware of the persecution which the Church has suffered on the part of the very prince who above every one was bound to defend it, and you doubtless lament over the rapine, the destruction of churches, the incendiaries, the homicides, and the deluge of crime—all which are the inevitable results of discord and impiety. Heaven has allowed free course to these fearful disasters for the space of eighteen years; but now, at length, it has calmed the storm, has touched the heart of the emperor, and has induced him to sue for peace. Can we fail to recognise in all this a miracle of the divine omnipotence, especially when we see a priest, disarmed, and bent down as I am under the weight of years, triumphing over the German obstinacy, and conquering a formidable prince even without making war?' He then explained that he would not accept any conditions of peace without the participation of the allies, and praised the religious courage with which they had defended the Church.

The allies, excited by the eloquent words of the Pope, broke out into lively and prolonged applause, praising his desire to bring peace to the country, and promising to second him in everything. From Ferrara the Pope returned to Venice, where he established a truce for six years, after which a treaty of peace was concluded in the city of Custanza, in which the emperor ceded to the communes the right of levying armies, of confederation for mutual defence, of administering justice, and of electing consuls.

Then the emperor, having rendered due honour to the Pope, publicly declared that, led astray by evil counsels, he had combated the Church in the belief of defending it; that he thanked God for having brought him to see his error; that he, therefore, most sincerely abandoned the Antipope and his followers, and recognised Alexander as the legitimate pontiff, successor of St. Peter, and vicar of Jesus Christ. Frederick was accordingly absolved from excommunication and from his other sins, and received the communion from the hands of the Pope. Things being thus settled, Frederick returned into Germany.

The Political State of Italy Under the Ottonian Emperors

Written by Don Giovanni Bosco

(Extracted from “A Compendium of Italian History From the Fall of the Roman Empire” by Don Giovanni Bosco.)

Before proceeding further with our history, it is necessary to take a brief glance at the political state of Italy at the accession of the German emperors as lords paramount of the country. It must not be imagined that when Italy came nominally under the power of the Empire, the country was really governed from the imperial court. The great vassals (dukes, counts, marquises) had made themselves practically independent, and each ruled his own dominions according to the feudal laws, merely doing homage to the emperor as the supreme authority. The principal of the great vassals who had established themselves firmly in their respective governments were the duke of Benevento in the south, the duke of Tuscany in Central Italy, and the duke of Spoleto on the Adriatic, with the marquises of Ivrea, Susa, and Friuli in the north. The country around Rome was under the direct rule of the Pope, himself a vassal of the Empire. Apulia and Calabria in the extreme south were still under the rule of the Emperors of the East. Amalfi and Naples were self-governed in the form of small republics, and Salerno and Capua each had its own prince.

Of all the princes of the Empire, the dukes of Spoleto, Tuscany, and Benevento were the most important, as they held a large part of the Italian territory under their sway, and generally guided and determined by their local influence the election of the Popes. With regard to the Popes themselves, the holy office of supreme head of the Church had sunk to its lowest degree of turpitude. Virtue, piety, learning, moral influence, had nothing whatever to do in their election. Political considerations were far stronger than religious motives. Mere boys were sometimes chosen to be vicars apostolic; and as it was thought no disgrace for the Pope to rear up a family, so sons were put forward to succeed their fathers. Female influence prevailed over that of the bishops, and it is said that the infamous Theodora and her daughter disposed of the chair of St. Peter at their pleasure. Whilst Italy was thus ruled by vassals of the Empire, Sicily had fallen entirely into the hand of the Saracens.

Another important point to notice in respect to the political condition of Italy is the growth of the large cities and the influence they soon began to exert upon the country generally. These towns were originally simply portions of the territory governed by the counts; but the German emperors, when they obtained authority in Italy, separated the towns from the surrounding territory, and the power of the count or the bishop, or whoever might be the vassal of the province, was then chiefly confined to the towns themselves, whilst the country was more directly under the government of the dukes. This led to constant feuds and contests between the vassals and their superiors, in which the towns usually sided with their own governor and opposed all interference from the higher powers.

By degrees the towns became more and more powerful. The counts were obliged to govern according to the will of the citizens; and when the vassal was a bishop, he was elected by the people, and made often a mere tool to do their pleasure.

When the cities had thus become powerful and the townspeople well-nigh independent, they often obtained a charter from the emperor which acknowledged and confirmed that independence, and gave them the power of regulating their own affairs and deciding all questions of peace and war as to their own more immediate surroundings. Armed with these powers, they reclaimed the territories which had been separated from them, besieged the castles of the nobles, and compelled them to reside in the towns. Thus the nobles became virtually citizens, and being men more used to power and authority than the rest, they often got the highest municipal offices placed in their hands.

This brief sketch may give some approximate idea of the political condition of the country under the first German emperors, and may also account for the bitter wars and animosities which so often arose between the great towns, and which in later times form one of the chief features in the history of the country.

The Fall of Italy and Rise of the Holy Roman Empire

Written by Don Giovanni Bosco

(Extracted from “A Compendium of Italian History From the Fall of the Roman Empire” by Don Giovanni Bosco.)

After the dissolution of the Western [Carolingian] Empire, several kingdoms arose, some smaller, some larger; and while these states were growing up out of the ruins of the Frankish empire, every kingdom divided itself into little states, entitled dukedoms or countships, according as they were governed by dukes or counts. At first, these feudal lords were simply military chieftains, to whom the kings or the emperors had entrusted the government of provinces, and who had taken possession of them by the consent of their superiors. Then, again, there were bishops or abbots of monasteries, who in the name of the Church took possession of the lands or castles which the princes of that time were accustomed to present as alms to the churches or convents, mostly in expiation of their sins. But, in short, all who possessed a little castle, built on a mountain, surmounted by towers, and surrounded by thick walls and a deep moat, became lords of the territory, and regarded themselves as veritable sovereigns of the surrounding country. A habitation of this kind sufficed to render a noble formidable for the space of ten leagues round, because from it he could devastate at his pleasure, by means of his soldiers, all the neighbouring places. The cultivators of the soil, accordingly, in order to make friends with so formidable a neighbour, often went to offer a portion of their produce, on condition that they should not be molested, and that others should be hindered from wasting their fields and crops, or burning their houses.

In this way the husbandmen, too ignorant or incapable to become heads of squadrons, submitted themselves easily to the dominion of the counts, dukes, or marquises, who were possessors of some city or castle defended by armed men. In like manner the weaker, having recourse to the stronger arm, which in case of need could give them protection, confirmed more and more the title of Suzerain which was introduced by Charlemagne; the whole system being termed by him feudalism or vassalage.

While the feudal customs were thus taking root, a fact occurred which proved very calamitous to Italy. Troops of barbarians, descendants of the Huns, who now went by the name of Magiars or Hungarians, invaded Germany and Italy, making frightful devastations. All the endeavours made to repulse them were vain, and they had advanced as far as the Ticino when the lords and vassals offered to bribe them to retire by presenting them with riches of every kind. The barbarians accepted the presents, but ceased none the less from their devastations. But in addition to these invasions, there were also intestine broils throughout Italy. Charlemagne, as we before showed, had appointed generals, to whom he committed the guardianship of the frontiers, with the title of marquis, the lands themselves being termed marches.

Now the lords of Italy, that is, the counts, marquises, and barons, with a view of having some head who could lead them in their wars against the barbarians, and allay the discords which were increasing on every side, held an assembly at Pavia, and elected (A.D. 888) a descendant of Charlemagne called Berengarius, duke of Friuli, to the title of emperor of Italy. But he had scarcely been crowned at Monza with the iron crown, when another king and an intrepid warrior named Guido, duke of Spoleto, was also proclaimed emperor.

It was Berengarius, however, who came into conflict with the Hungarians, on the banks of Brenta, and gained a great victory. Upon this the Hungarians repassed the Adige and asked permission to return quietly to their country; but the Italian barons, proud of their victory, would not permit Berengarius to allow it. The Hungarians then offered anew to retire, restoring all the prisoners and the booty; but this was not enough. They were thus driven to despair, and threw themselves upon the Italians, determined to conquer or to die. The Italians, taken unaware, were cut to pieces, and from that moment never succeeded in keeping the enemy out of the country.

The Italians ought to have shown gratitude to Berengarius, who had done so much to liberate them from the oppression of the barbarians; but instead of this, he was treated by them in a most unworthy manner. The lords conspired against him and constrained him to take refuge with the king of Germany. But new disasters soon recalled him to the throne. As the welfare of the country, however, was at stake, he overlooked all the outrage he had suffered, returned to Italy, and fought victoriously against the Frankish king, Louis. Sixteen years of peace now succeeded, after which he had to struggle with another Frankish king, Rudolph, by whom he was defeated and obliged to shut himself up in Verona.

Berengarius was a valiant and accomplished general, generous in disposition, and ready to pardon injuries. In one of his battles against Rudolph, a certain chief, who had conspired against him, fell into the hands of his soldiers, who brought him before the king, half naked and all smeared with the blood of his murdered countrymen. Berengarius pardoned him, had him re-clothed, and let him free without requiring any oath. But although the generosity of Berengarius redounded to his honour as a Christian man, it was met with the basest ingratitude, as we shall see by the following narration.

A gentleman of Lombardy, called Flambert, who had been loaded with favours by Berengarius, was bribed by his enemies, and in the excess of his wickedness and ingratitude plotted against his life. The emperor, being made cognisant of his designs, might justly have condemned him to death, but thinking he might be able to gain him over by generous conduct, not only pardoned him, but invited him to his palace in Verona, and there having reminded him of the many favours with which he had been loaded, showed him how horrible the deed was which he had plotted against him. He then presented him with a golden cup, which he begged him to accept, saying: ‘Let this cup be the pledge of a sincere reconciliation; every time you use it let it remind you of the affection of your emperor and of the pardon which he has granted you.’ Flambert stood confused before him, but was too wicked to esteem as he ought to have done such goodness. The same evening the emperor, instead of retiring as he was wont to his chamber where he slept surrounded by guards, wished to pass the night in an isolated pavilion in the middle of his garden, removing even the, accustomed guards, to show that he did not experience the least apprehension. Just at daybreak, when Berengarius was leaving the pavilion to go to the church, Flambert appeared accompanied by a number of armed men; and whilst the prince was advancing to salute him kindly, the wretch stabbed him with a dagger, and stretched him dead on the ground. This crime did not long go unpunished, for the assassin soon after perished miserably.

In place of Berengarius, Hugo, duke of Provence, was now elected king of Italy in 926. He had promised the Italians to bring back the golden age, but the event was very different. The iniquities he committed, the tyranny of his government, his avarice in aggravating the burdens laid upon the people, his want of confidence in the Italians, and his preference for foreigners, excited the minds of all against him. Another Berengarius, marquis of Ivrea, descended from Trebbia into Italy with only a few followers, which were afterwards increased by many of the Italians joining them. Hugo, not being able to resist his numerous enemies, returned to Provence, where he died in 947. His son Lothaire dying soon after, Berengarius II. succeeded without opposition to the throne, and was crowned at Pavia in 950, associating his son Adalbert with him in the kingdom. But the barbarous manner in which he treated Adelaide, widow of Lothaire, shutting her up in a tower, excited the compassion of Otho I., emperor of Germany, who really was aspiring to become lord paramount of Italy. Actuated by these different motives, Otho made a descent upon the country, liberated Adelaide, married her, and having assumed the title of king of Italy, returned to Germany.

In the meantime, Berengarius II. had taken refuge in his own marquisate of Ivrea; but wishing to bring about a reconciliation with Otho, he went into Germany with his son Adalbert, and kneeling down before Otho in the presence of the German and Italian lords, acknowledged him as the true and only lord of Italy, yielding him the homage due to a superior, and receiving from him the investiture of the Italian kingdom. By this act Italy again became feudatory, and dependent upon the German crown. Berengarius returning to Italy, soon repented of what he had done, and raising the standard of rebellion against the emperor, prepared an army of 60,000 men. But on the arrival of Otho, they all deserted him, so that Otho advanced without the slightest resistance. Arriving at Milan, he was crowned king of [Italy] by Pope John XII., and afterwards was invested in Rome with the imperial dignity, which from that time forward was never disconnected from the crown of Germany. In this way, Otho was recognised king of Italy by the Italians themselves; and in this way also Italy, which from the end of the Carlovingians in 888 down to the year 961 had been ruled by her own native kings, fell once more under the sceptre of the imperial government.